Global Peace Index: Israel among least peaceful countries

30/07/2009 21:40

Bethlehem - Ma'an - The annual Global Peace Index ranked Israel 141 out of 144 countries on its commitment to peace, according to the organization's report released on Thursday.

The occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) was not ranked by the index, which was compiled by the Vision of Humanity organization.

The organization does not place blame on any particular side when ranking a country's overall peacefulness, but tallies nations based on an "absence of violence" criteria, where a lower score is considered more peaceful.

Israel's score, out of a combined 23 ranking indicators, was brought down by its human rights record, as well as its poor relations with neighboring countries, most of which it has no relations with whatsoever.

Israel scored high on civil liberties enjoyed by its citizens, funding UN missions and treating foreigners well.

This year's rankings were one spot worse than in 2008, when it was ranked the fifth most violent country on earth. In 2007, it was ranked third from the bottom.

The three countries considered less peaceful than Israel on the 2009 list were Iraq, Afghanistan and Somalia.

To view the complete rankings:
http://www.visionofhumanity.org/gpi/results/rankings.php

PSP Monthly Digest: PSP Supports Farmers in Saffa, Dozens Arrested, 100s of Trees Destroyed

This month's Digest focuses on PSP's continued support for the farmers of Saffa, particularly from the Soleiby family

For Video and Photos of many of our activities, please see the original reports at:
http://palestinesolidarityproject.org

In This Digest:

1. Farmers, Activists Beaten and Arrested in Saffa
June 13, 2009

2. 7 Arrested as Dozens Support Farmers Picking Grape Leaves in Saffa
June 20, 2009

3. Overnight, Palestinian's Livelihood Destroyed by Israeli Settlers
June 22, 2009

4. 26 Activists Detained, Scores Beaten as Soldiers Prevent Farmers From Accessing Their Land in Saffa
June 27, 2009

5. Success! Farmers Access Their Land Without Interference in Saffa
June 30, 2009

6. Soldiers Try to Drown Out Anti-Barrier Demonstration in Al-Ma'asara
July 3, 2009

7. Farmers Work Independently in Saffa
July 4, 2009

8. 5 Internationals, 1 Israeli Arrested After Israeli Military Ambush Activists
July 7, 2009

9. 20 Year Old Resident of Beit Ommar Arrested in Night Raid
July 8, 2009

10. Mohammed Abu Maria Released from Prison After 8 Months
July 8, 2009

11. Inter-religious Demonstration Against the Annexation Barrier in Beit Jala
July 8, 2009

12. 200 March in Ni'lin, Dismantle Part of Annexation Barrier
July 10, 2009

13. Hundreds March in Beit Jala Against the Occupation and for Palestinian Unity
July 11, 2009

14. Picnic in Susiya Disrupted By Israeli Soldiers, 1 Arrested
July 11, 2009

15. Settlers Set Valley Ablaze
July 13, 2009

16. 10 Arrested in Defiance of Continued Closure in Saffa
July 18, 2009

17. Saffa Damage Update: PA Promises to Help as Full Impact of Fire Assessed
July 22, 2009
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1. Farmers, Activists Beaten and Arrested in Saffa

This Saturday, as has been done every Saturday for over a month, International and Israeli activists joined Hamad and Jabber Soleiby and their families as they worked their land in Saffa, near Bat 'Ain settlement. This Saturday, however, both the Israeli army and settlers from the right-wing extremist settlement were ready and waiting. While soldiers stood by and watched, settlers threw rocks at the farmers and solidarity activists and rolled boulders down into the agricultural land. Soldiers then shouted across the small valley to the solidarity activists, telling them it was a closed military zone and the people would have to leave. While the farmers and solidarity activists agreed they would leave if ordered to, attempting to avoid a confrontation such as those that had occurred the previous two weeks, they still demanded that the settlers were forced to leave at the same time, fearing they would do damage to the agricultural land after the farmers left the area.
After the solidarity activists and farmers began to leave the area, soldiers and border police ran up from behind the group and grabbed the youngest farmer. When international and Israeli activists from Palestine Solidarity Project and Anarchists Against the Wall objected, the soldiers began indiscriminately beating the solidarity activists. Internationals were placed in choke-holds, thrown to the ground and had their heads smashed into rocks. Israeli activists were dragged by their hair and all were beaten with batons while trying to protect the Palestinian farmer.

Finally, the soldiers managed to pull the Palestinian farmer away from the activists, who were held on the ground by several soldiers and border police. In the end, the Palestinian was only questioned and asked to show his ID before being released, while one American-Israeli from Palestine Solidarity Project, and a Scottish National and a German national from International Solidarity Movement were all arrested and accused of attacking soldiers and border police.

While in custody, the Scottish national was attacked again by one of the border policemen, who grabbed him by the throat and threw him against the wall while in the Qiryat Arba police station.

Even though the aggression and violence was clearly on the part of the border police and soldiers, the three activists were still brought before a judge in the Jerusalem "peace" court, where they were all given conditional releases pending a further investigation of the allegations.
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2. 7 Arrested as Dozens Support Farmers Picking Grape Leaves in Saffa

Despite understanding that they would only be able to harvest for one hour at most, that they would be met with settler aggression, grape leaves need to be picked and so, for another Saturday, a group of approximately 30 International and Israeli activists joined Hamad and Jabber Soleiby and their families as they tended their land in Saffa, near the Bat ’Ain settlement. For yet another Saturday, the group was greeted to the land by a crowd of masked right-wing Israeli settlers.

The group of farmers and activists slowly headed down the hill and toward the orchards as the settlers hurled stones from slingshots. A group of settler girls could be heard repeatedly screaming “Mohammad is a pig!” from a higher location on the hillside. This continued for approximately ten minutes before the first army jeep arrived, which sent most of the settlers running up the hill. The first car of soldiers came in short physical contact with two of the settlers, who had not immediately moved from their positions, but no arrests or detentions were made. At that point, a group of Israeli activists and journalists crossed the valley and approached the soldiers to ask why they had not arrested the settlers for illegally attacking the farmers. This gave the farmers and the rest of the activists some time to simultaneously pick grape leaves and document evidence of trees that had been destroyed, either by being lit on fire or by being chopped down, in settler attacks that had happened the day before. A verbal argument ensued between the Israeli activists and the Israeli soldiers on the hillside as the grape leaves were picked, until 6 Israeli activists were grabbed and arrested; forced into the police jeeps. After the arrests were made, removing the rest of the group from the land became the army’s focus.

At first, the group was yelled at from the loudspeakers on the army jeeps to leave because they were breaking the law by being in a “closed military zone”, though the activists had copies of the Israeli Supreme Court decision forbidding the continuous designation of an agricultural area off limits to Palestinian farmers.. Then the soldiers came in a group on foot and began yelling, pushing, and forcefully herding the group away from the grape vines and towards the path that led back up the hillside. At one point, with no apparent motivation, the soldiers threw a sound bomb at the group.

Although moving, the group was often forced to pause behind a tractor that was also making its way out of the area. When the tractor would hesitate momentarily, though this was obviously not a deliberate act made by the farmers, the soldiers would charge towards the group, pushing and hitting with their batons and tugging people by their clothing at random. At one point, an Israeli soldier grabbed another Israeli activist by the arm and threw her to the ground before detaining her as well.

All 7 Israeli activists were held for a short period of time, before being driven to a major checkpoint and being released without charge.

Like many families in Saffa, the Soleiby family relies solely on their land to make their income. As settler violence continues to rise and Israeli army persists to declare the designated land as being a “closed military zone”, it has become nearly impossible for many farmers to be able to make a living.
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3. Overnight, Palestinian's Livelihood Destroyed by Israeli Settlers

In the early hours of Monday, June 22, 2009, settlers from the Bat 'Ain settlement set fire and cut down more than 125 grapevines and fruit trees belonging to Hamad Soleiby. Israeli soldiers said they saw a fire in the Palestinian agricultural fields some time during the night and went to put it out, though they did nothing to collect the evidence; kerosene canisters and matches were still there the next morning when activists from the Palestine Solidarity Project accompanied the farmer's family to survey the damage.

One week before, Israeli solidarity activists caught on tape settlers from Bat 'Ain saying the activists should "come back next week and see", that they would set fire to the entire area. What was not burned was systematically cut with an electric saw. The 125 trees represented a huge proportion of Hamad's income; in one night settlers nearly destroyed his and his family's livelihood.

When activists joined Hamad's brother to document the destruction on Monday, Israeli soldiers and police soon turned out in force, bringing three jeeps and an armored personnel carrier full of soldiers. Hamad's brother, Abu Jabber, approached the commander, pleading with him to come down and see for himself what the settlers had done. Instead, the soldiers informed the group that it was a closed military zone, and everyone except Abu Jabber and one Israeli activist had to leave. Abu Jabber and the Israeli activist, from the joint organization Ta'ayush, were escorted to the police station inside the settlement to make a formal complaint. However, considering the past two weeks when settlers were allowed into the area with impunity while Israeli and international solidarity activists were attacked and arrested, there is very little faith that the Israeli soldiers and police, based inside the settlement, can be relied on to protect the Palestinians' rights and land.

Also overnight, ironically, while settlers went unimpeded into Palestinian lands and destroyed a huge tract of agricultural area without any intervention by Israeli police or military, Israeli soldiers invaded several homes in Saffa and arrested 8 people, as well as one person in Beit Ommar. The reasons are unknown.
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4. 26 Activists Detained, Scores Beaten as Soldiers Prevent Farmers From Accessing Their Land in Saffa

June 27, 2009--As has been done since the beginning of April when the Israeli military began actively preventing members of the Soleiby family of Beit Ommar from accessing their agricultural land near Bat 'Ayn settlement with a series of "Closed military zone" orders, Israeli and international activists joined the family in an attempt to pick fruit on their land. This week, however, the military went to extreme measures to prevent the activists and farmers from getting anywhere near their land.

In the last four weeks, 13 Israelis and 3 Internationals have been arrested while accompanying the farmers to their land, though settlers who have attacked the farmers and activists, throwing stones at them, have been allowed to enter and leave the area without any intervention by the military or police. This week 35 Israelis and 10 Internationals went along with scores of women and men from three extended families towards their land. Just past the houses, however, nearly 20 Israeli soldiers confronted the group, insisting that if the Palestinians had their ID's they would have been allowed to work if there were no Israeli or Internationals present. This was grounds, therefore, for them to viciously attack the group. For over an hour, the soldiers, soon supported by dozens of border police and observed from high-ranking military officials, beat and arrested 14 Israeli and 2 international activists.
Soldiers seriously injured a reuters photographer, an Israeli activist was taken to a hospital and treated for a potential broken hand that was injured from a soldier twisting it behind her back. An Palestinian coordinator from PSP was also severely injured in the leg. Even with Palestinian medics present to evacuate him, soldiers first attempted to arrest him, placing him in the back of a military jeep. Eventually, they were convinced to turn him over to the ambulance, when he was taken to a hospital in Hebron.

The group was then pushed back into the village, and when remaining Israeli activists, in their rented vans, attempted to leave the village, the ID's of the drivers were taken and the entire group, 10 additional people, were also arrested. One group of Israelis were attacked by the border police on the way to the police station, beaten with batons while handcuffed in the back of a jeep.

After being taken to the police station in Gush Etzion, only 1 of the 26 detainees was interrogated, and after a few hours the entire group was released without charge, but with a fair amount of bruises.
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5. Success! Farmers Access Their Land Without Interference in Saffa

For the first time since the beginning of April, members of the Soleiby family have successfully cultivated their land in Saffa, Beit Omar, without the interference of soldiers or settlers. After a violent attack by the Israeli military Saturday morning that resulted in the arrest of 26 activists and the injury of dozens more, the army has agreed to provide protection for the Soleiby family as they cultivate their land near the Bat ‘Ayn settlement.

The Abu Jabber, Abu Mohammed, and Abu Fahed Soleiby families are of Palestinian farmers from Beit Ommar with land in Saffa. They are regularly attacked by settlers from the illegal Bat ‘Ayn settlement, who live on the hill overlooking the Soleiby’s fields. The Bat ‘Ayn settlers are some of the most violent extremists in the West Bank; home to the "Bat 'Ayn Militia" who attempted to blow up a Palestinian girl's school in Jerusalem in 2002.

In April, 2009 Abdullah Soleiby was beaten in the head with a rock by a settler, causing serious head trauma. Since then, Israeli and international activists have accompanied the family to their fields on a weekly basis. The settlers frequently harass and abuse the farmers and activists, throwing stones and vicious insults. Last Monday, settlers cut down and set fire to over 125 of the Soleiby’s grapevines and fruit trees.

Rather than arresting the settlers or interfering in the attacks, the army has responded by issuing a series of “Closed military zone” orders that forbid anyone, including the farmers, but not the settlers, from entering the land. These orders have prevented the family from accessing their primary source of income. The Israeli Supreme Court has ruled such orders illegal, but the army has continued to implement them.

Every Saturday morning, an entourage of between 30 and 50 activists have accompanied the farmers into their fields, where they have usually picked for about an hour before being beaten, arrested and expelled from the land. In the last month, 37 Israeli activists and 5 international activists have been arrested in Saffa. The soldiers seem to have finally agreed to provide protection for the family, and have set up a tent on the road between the fields and the settlement. For three mornings in a row the farmers have safely picked their fields, hearing only the distant shouts of angry settlers. Relying on the Israeli military for protection of Palestinian farmers can never be counted on, but for the time being it seems the military would rather protect the farmers than deal with 40 Israeli and international activists every week.
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6. Soldiers Try to Drown Out Anti-Barrier Demonstration in Al-Ma'asara

Over fifty demonstrators gathered in Al Ma’asara today for the weekly demonstration against Israel’s Apartheid Wall. As usual, the demonstrators marched from the center of town to the main road carrying a 30-foot long Palestinian flag and pictures of imprisoned loved ones, drumming and chanting “The Wall must fall!.”

The march was stopped by a line of nearly thirty Israeli soldiers, who had stretched a razor wire barrier across the road. The demonstrators gave speeches condemning the Wall and demanding an end to the occupation. At one point, several demonstrators climbed onto a pile of rocks by the side of the road and began to speak out against Israel’s violence and oppression. An army jeep turned on its siren in an attempt to drown out the message, but the crowd roared back, drumming and screaming louder than the siren.

Soldiers then began to push the speakers off the rocks, shoving them back down onto the road. Another speech was given by an elderly woman at the front of the crowd, and the demonstrators climbed back onto the rocks to translate her speech into English. The demonstration continued for nearly two hours before dispersing.
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7. Farmers Work Independently in Saffa

Another success! For the first Saturday since the beginning of April, the Soleiby family has worked their land in Saffa, Beit Ommar, without the accompaniment of Israeli or international activists. This temporary victory comes on the heels of 3 months of Israeli and international activists accompanying the farmers into the valley to protect them from settler attacks, a job which until now the Israeli military has failed to do.

The Abu Jabber, Abu Mohammed and Abu Fahed Soleiby families are farmers and long time residents of Beit Omar, a village half way between Hebron and Bethlehem. Their farmland is located in Saffa, directly below the illegal Bat 'Ayn Settlement. The settlement is one of the most violent in the West Bank, former home to the "Bat 'Ayn militia," who are infamous for their attempted bombing of a Palestinian girls' elementary school in 2002. Israeli and international activists began accompanying the Soleibys after a series of vicious settler attacks in early April. The attacks climaxed when settlers bashed in the skull of Abdullah Soleiby, an 81-year old farmer. Settlers regularly throw stones at the farmers and activists, and on June 22 cut and burned over 125 of the Soleiby's fruit trees and grape vines.

Rather than arresting the settlers or interfering with the attacks, the military has responded by issuing a series of "Closed Military Zone" orders that prevent farmers and activists (but not settlers) from entering the Saffa valley. The orders have put a tremendous financial strain on the Soleibys, who rely on the Saffa harvest as their primary source of income. The Israeli Supreme Court has declared the "Closed Military Zone" orders illegal, after hearing overwhelming evidence proving that the Israeli military has used these orders to prevent Palestinian farmers from cultivating their land. This in turn allows settlers to claim the land under Absentees' Property Laws. The army has ignored the supreme court ruling, and continues to issue and implement the orders.

Every Saturday morning since April activists have accompanied the Soleiby family into the Saffa valley, where they are confronted and evicted by the Israeli army. Activists and farmers are often brutalized by the soldiers, and in the past month 37 Israeli activists and 5 international activists have been arrested. Repression by the Israeli military peaked last Friday, when 26 Israeli activists and 2 international activists were arrested before reaching the fields.

In response to activist pressure and media attention, the Israeli army has promised to protect the farmers from settler attacks. They have erected a tent in the road between the settlement and the valley, and claim to be guarding the fields. For the past week a group of three to four international activists have been going down into the fields with the farmers every morning, and have only encountered the soldiers once. There have been no settler attacks. This morning is the first Saturday that activists have not accompanied the farmers to the fields, and the farmers experienced no difficulties though the Israeli military was out in force, creating a temporary checkpoint at the edge of Saffa to prevent any international or Israeli activists from reaching the area. A small area of trees was damaged by military vehicles which were parked in the agricultural fields as part of the checkpoint.

The Israeli military seems to have realized that it is easier to allow the farmers to pick than to confront 40 activists every week. No one is not counting on them to continue protecting the farmers indefinitely, but the use of direct action and media attention seems to at least have temporarily pressured the Israeli military into restraining the settlers and allowing the farmers to access their private land.
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8. 5 Internationals, 1 Israeli Arrested After Israeli Military Ambush Activists

On July 7, 2009 at approximately 5pm, an Israeli military official called the mayor of Beit Ommar/ Saffa, Nasri Sabarneh, and informed him that settlers had set fire to some trees in the Abu Jabber Soleiby land in Saffa, just under the illegal Bat 'Ayn settlement. A group of internationals, including one who also holds Israeli ID, went down into the valley to investigate and document the destruction. When they arrived, a group of Israeli soldiers was already present.

While the group of internationals quickly began surveying the area, one soldier, Phillip, crossed the valley to a group of 4 activists and told them to leave. The group, who did not find evidence of a new fire (other than the old destruction of June 19, 2009 and June 22, 2009) began leaving the area, accompanied by the one soldier. Meanwhile, two internationals who were further up the valley with the owner of the land and his family, were also told to leave, and they began to do so. At one point Phillip threw a sound grenade at the group of 4 activists as they were walking away, but the group continued. Half-way up the valley, however, the trap was sprung. Soldiers ran up from behind the group of 4, grabbing two men by the neck and one women by the arm, screaming at them to sit down, that they were being arrested. One activist managed to get away, going further up to the village from which they had come and ostensibly where the soldiers wanted everyone to go. She, along with the other two internationals and the farmers were then surrounded by soldiers at the entrance to the village, preventing the tractor from leaving the area. The three internationals were then attacked by soldiers. One was hit in the face with a gun, another kicked in the leg, and a third wrestled into handcuffs and dragged into an army jeep, in total contradiction to Israeli law that states only police can arrest foreign nationals. All three were brought to the police station in the illegal settlement of Etzion. They were never shown a paper declaring the area a Closed Military Zone, another Israeli law.

The other three internationals further down the valley, were held on the ground until a commander could run up and show them a paper, insisting it was a closed military zone order, though no one was allowed to look at it closely and the group was already detained and not allowed to leave, also in violation of military procedures. Phillip then said to Bekah Wolf, co-founder of Palestine Solidarity Project and married to Palestinian co-founder Mousa Abu Maria, "your father didn't teach you what to do with your pussy so you went and f*cked Arabs." Phillip also indicated that he knew Wolf from previous actions in Saffa, and that she was "famous" with that particular unit and the police of Etzion. What followed was clearly a series of planned harassment of Wolf and the other internationals, even though the arrest itself was totally illegitimate.

Police finally arrived and officially arrested the group of three, and began to transport them to the Etzion police station. The group with Wolf were paraded through the Bat 'Ayn settlement. At one point soldiers transporting one of the men alone stopped the jeep in the settlement and opened the back doors in front of a group of settler youth. The two groups of three were then reunited at the police station.

While 5 of the internationals (all excluding Wolf) were first offered release on conditions to stay out of the area for 2 weeks, and then were eventually released without any conditions, Wolf was to be held over night and taken to court. A commander, who was not present until after the arrests, filed a complaint stating that Wolf had slapped one of his soldiers, though the soldier himself said he wasn't sure if it was intentional or if he'd been hit while trying to grab Wolf during her illegal arrest.

After 23.5 hours (Israeli citizens can only be held for 24 hours before being brought in front of a judge), Wolf was taken to a court and after reviewing the evidence presented by the prosecution, including the assertion that "settlers have never entered the valley", she was released only on the condition that she obey any closed military zone orders (which is already law) and sign a guarantee of 5,000 shekels.
Not pleased with the results, police, in collusion with the prosecution, refused to process her release, causing her to be put back into the Jerusalem prison for more than three additional hours. The attempt to prevent "left-wing activists" (as they were described in the police reports) from entering the area in the end was totally rejected. The next day, however, when farmers attempted to enter the land, which has been ordered open to them for the last 10 days, they were refused by the Israeli military, without cause or paperwork.
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9. 20 Year Old Resident of Beit Ommar Arrested in Night Raid

Yunis Al Alami, a 20 year old resident of Beit Ommar, was arrested by the Israeli army at 2 AM this morning in a military house raid. 3 jeeps carrying approximately 12 soldiers arrived at his home in the middle of the night, arresting him without warrant, charges or explanation. No one knows where he was taken, or when he will be released.

Yunis is a student at Hebron University, and life-long resident of Beit Ommar. He was arrested in front of his parents and siblings, including three children. His 22 year old brother, Ahmed Al Alami, was arrested a year ago under similar circumstances, and is still being held without charges in Administrative Detention.

The arrest is just one more incident in a series of political arrests of Palestinian youth by the Israeli military in Beit Ommar, including several that lead to Administrative Detention, where individuals are held without charge or trial indefinitely. There are currently over 750 Palestinians being held in “Administrative Detention.” Most prisoners in Administrative Detention are males between the ages of 16 and 30, and are held anywhere from 6 months to several years. They are never told what they are accused of, and are only taken in front of rubber-stamp military courts where evidence is presented in a closed courtroom without the presence of defendant or their attorney. Many are tortured and held in solitary confinement for weeks or months on end.

The practice of Administrative Detention, as used by the Israeli government, is a blatant violation of human rights, and illegal under international law. The prospect of arrest from your home is just one more frightening reality of the occupation, and one more reason for Palestinian families to grieve.
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10. Mohammed Abu Maria Released from Prison After 8 Months

Mohammed "Hamude" Abu Maria, long-time committee member of the Palestine Solidarity Project, was released from Qetziot prison after 8 months of Administrative Detention, where he was held without charge or trial. Hamude was welcomed home Wednesday afternoon by fireworks and dozens of friends and community members, as well as by his three children, 8 year-old Thikra, 5 year-old Qais and 3 year-old Shahed, as well as by his wife, Feryal.

Hamude was the last of three PSP committee members to be arrested and held in Administrative Detention, a tactic used to intimidate and attempt to quell PSP's anti-occupation work. While PSP continued its struggle throughout the imprisonment of three of its key organizers in the last year, we are thrilled that they are all home again!
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11. Inter-religious Demonstration Against the Annexation Barrier in Beit Jala

On Tuesday July 7th, Palestinians, Israelis and internationals met at 5pm from both sides of the Annexation fence near Beit Jala and the illegal Israeli settlement of Gilo. The Barrier in this location cuts off residents of Beit Jala from significant portions of their agricultural land. They met with a message of peace, justice and inter-religious tolerance against the occupation. As a gesture of solidarity, each of the religious groups brought symbolic items to exchange with one another through the Barrier. On the Palestinian side of the Annexation Barrier, all participants, including a large German solidarity delegation of approximately 100 members, reached the meeting point next to the fence without any delays or obstacles; the situation on the other side was slightly different.
One Israeli group, trying to reach the meeting point on the other side of the fence, was stopped by border police and held back until the symbolic demonstration was finished. Nevertheless most of the Israeli groups managed to reach the demonstration on time, despite efforts of the border police to prevent them from doing so.
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12. 200 March in Ni'lin, Dismantle Part of Annexation Barrier

On Friday, July 10, more than 200 people from the village of Ni'lin and their Israeli and international supporters marched towards the Annexation Barrier, which cuts through the agricultural land of Ni'lin. This week, participants managed to reach the fence itself, and quickly began dismantling it, 5 years after the International Court of Justice declared it illegal under international law. Tear gas was fired at the group but the dismantling continued for some minutes.
Suddenly, from the group of youth throwing stones, 10 undercover Israeli military personnel, dressed as stone-throwers, began arresting people. Two residents of Ni'lin were arrested.
Demonstrations in Ni'lin began in early 2004, when construction of the Annexation Barrier was first announced. Construction was then delayed for a several years due to a court case in the Israeli court system. Demonstrations began again last year when the construction resumed. Since that time 5 Palestinians have been killed in the unarmed demonstrations, the youngest 10 year-old Ahmed Mousa. Over 100 residents of Ni'lin have also been arrested for participation in the demonstrations over the last year.
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13. Hundreds March in Beit Jala Against the Occupation and for Palestinian Unity

As a close to a week of demonstrations, informational sessions, and visits to various communities in the Betlehem District, the "House of Abraham" group, sponsored by the Lutheran Church of Beit Jala, along with the Beit Jala Prisoners Society and leading muftis throughout Palestine, including the high Mufti of Jerusalem, marched arm in arm through the streets of Beit Jala signifying both their opposition to Israeli Occupation and the need for unity within Palestinian communities. They were followed by drumming scout troops, representatives of the Prisoners Society with banners reading "imprisoning youth is against international law", and hundreds of youth from summer camps sponsored by the House of Abraham from Hussan, Deheishe Refugee camp, Beit Jala and Beit Ommar. After a march through the town, the people gathered at a sports club where various representatives of Palestinian religious society addressed the crowd, renewing their commitments to Palestine as a multi-religious society, where Christians and Muslims share common dreams and goals. The entire week was attended by a large delegation from Germany, including religious leaders, community leaders, and a mayor who were there to show solidarity with the people of Palestine.
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14. Picnic in Susiya Disrupted By Israeli Soldiers, 1 Arrested

On Saturday, July 11, 2009, Members of Ta'ayush Movement, along with international supporters, continued their creative protest against a newly-constructed one-room outpost outside the illegal Israeli settlement of Susiya, which is built just above the Palestinian community of Susiya. This week, activists held a picnic next to the outpost, bringing a blanket, watermelon, and other summer foods, informing the Israeli military when they arrived that it was not a demonstration, but merely an outing.
Along with the construction of a "Palestinian outpost" on the land last month, the activists are attempting to bring light to the outrageous bias in Israeli policy; while the picnic was interrupted within 5 minutes and one Israeli activist with Ta'ayush was arrested while another was detained but later released, the outpost, which has been in the area for months and is certainly more illegal than a picnic, even under Israeli law, has not been removed.
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15. Settlers Set Valley Ablaze

Monday, July 13, 2009, PSP received reports that farmland in Saffa area of Beit Ommar had been set on fire by settlers from neighboring Bat ‘Ayn. Initially, a PSP committee member and the mayor of Beit Ommar went into the valley, owned by Abu Jabber Soleiby, to assess the damage. In the afternoon, when the fire had still not be put out, international activists arrived with a large group of Beit Ommar residents along with media representatives. Fire trucks from Hebron initially could not reach the fire from the Beit Ommar/Saffa side and there were only two tools available to fight the fire, that was rapidly spreading across the valley threatening homes in Saffa due to unfavorable wind conditions.

The fire was put out by local residents and a Palestinian fire truck that arrived just as the fire had been brought under control. A local farmer with a tractor carting a water tank used hoses to control the fire before it breached onto adjacent farmland. It took Palestinians and small group of internationals roughly 30 minutes to control the fire as winds subsided briefly.

In Bat ‘Ayn, a small group of settlers were cheering, clapping and shouting in Hebrew as the fire spread to larger areas of the Palestinian land. Just below the top of the hill where settlement houses rest, two Israeli fire trucks sat idle to ensure the fire did not encroach on settlement land. This sight was a cruel reminder that Palestinian land in Saffa, and the larger Occupied Palestinian Territories, can be destroyed by settlers and/or Israeli military with little to no recourse, with the eventual goal being annexation of Palestinian land to expand on existing settlements like Bat ‘Ayn.
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16. 10 Arrested in Defiance of Continued Closure in Saffa

Late Saturday morning, Beit Ommar village residents, along with activists from Israeli organizations Ta’ayush and Anarchists Against the Wall (AATW) and a large group of international activists, including several from Palestine Solidarity Project, entered farmland in the Saffa area in order to challenge the continued illegal use of temporary closed military zone orders in the area. These orders put a financial strain on the farmers whom are often unable to harvest their land, and provide no protection against settler attacks on the land (which the military claims is their reasoning for establishing a permanent presence in the area).

After over an hour of intense negotiation with the commanders of the military unit revolving around accompanying the farmers and their family while they pick to protect against further settler attack, several family members of farmers were allowed to enter the land but without Israeli or international accompaniment. Ten Israeli activists sat down in opposition to this decision, and were later arrested by border police and released two hours after being taken to Gush Etzion police station. Despite the arrests, the event was calm, with no injuries or violent repression by the soldiers to report.

Activists were also challenging the lack of protection against settler attacks on the land and on the farmers who harvest the land, which soldiers stationed in a temporary outpost below the Bat ’Ayn settlement have promised to provide. Earlier in the week, settlers had set fire to roughly 160 dunums of land (40 acres), including several valuable fruit trees. Combined with the cutting of over 125 trees in June, and an earlier fire, in the last month settlers have destroyed nearly all of the land that provides income for 125 extended family members. While dozens of Israeli and international activists have been arrested during that month accompanying the farmers, not a single settler has been arrested for their crimes. Saffa farmers have also been under threat of physical attack by settlers, as there have been incidences of injury on several occasions in the past three months, including a vicious attack in early April that left 81 year old Abdullah Soleiby with a cracked skull.
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17. Saffa Damage Update: PA Promises to Help as Full Impact of Fire Assessed

On Tuesday July 21, 2009, the Beit Ommar Municipality held a meeting with the Palestinian Authority (PA) Minister of Agriculture, Dr. Ismail Da’iq, to present updated information on the recent and ongoing of farmland in the Saffa area of Beit Ommar village, and discuss possible remedies that the PA can provide or assist with. The meeting was one in a series of meetings to assess the impact on farmland and farmers in land in and around the Bethlehem area.

In attendance was Beit Ommar Mayor Nasri Sabarneh, Beit Ommar municipality council members, along with representatives of the Soleiby family whom own affected land in the Saffa area and members of Palestine Solidarity Project. Minister Da’iq, said he had been closely following and working on land issues in Beit Ommar as minister and fully supported the resistance against the settlements. He also promised PA assistance in replanting trees, though he gave no timeline and the Soleiby brothers remain skeptical, citing years of requests for PA intervention in their behalf with no result. After a short presentation summarizing the chain of settler attacks on Saffa in the recent past, culminating in the 150 dunnum of land set fire to on July 12th, the minster was given a brief tour of the aforementioned land in Saffa by the Mayor and Soleiby brothers. Hamad Soleiby explained that he had attempted to reach the destroyed trees earlier in the day, as there was still uncertainty over the extent of trees lost, but feared attack from Bat Ayn settlers whom were steadily approaching.

International activists accompanied farmers the following day, July 22, 2009, in order to gain access to the affected land, document and get a clear estimate of the damage done. The assessment was grim, as over 300 fruit trees had been destroyed, including grape vines, plum, fig and grape trees. The documentation was cut short as three jeeps of soldiers arrived thirty minutes after the group arrived.

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Free Palestine!

Visit the website for more information and updated articles from the ground in Palestine:
http://palestinesolidarityproject.org

"The IDF price tag"

The IDF price tag

By Amira Hass 22/07/2009

Something in the soldiers' testimonies published by the organization Breaking the Silence last week must be scaring the Israel Defense Forces. Otherwise, its battery of spokespeople - official and unofficial - would not be taking part in such a violent campaign to silence it.

Our media is independent. It isn't the delegitimization campaign that has caused it to be dismissive of these testimonies. Unlike the Second Lebanon War, Operation Cast Lead has been relegated to the archaeology department as far as public interest goes, because the number of Israelis killed was low. Even without the lobbying of the IDF Spokesman's Office, the media did not intend to waste much energy on these testimonies.

Breaking the Silence managed to reach soldiers who were not selected by the army, and to speak to them despite their commanders' strict prohibition against divulging details of the operation outside the military complex. However, the IDF can still be proud of its ability to impose discipline. Not one of the soldiers interviewed contacted the organization on their own. Of the thousands of soldiers whom Breaking the Silence and its volunteers contacted, only a few dozen agreed to talk. The interviewees, incidentally, think the military onslaught was justified but their consciences were bothered by a number of phenomena. All of them participated in the ground offensive. Not one was a pilot or someone who by pressing a button released missiles from unmanned aircraft, though most of the killing and destruction was caused from the air.

Breaking the Silence's policy is to publish cases about which two or more soldiers from the same unit have given evidence. They have other testimonies about far graver incidents, but these have not been corroborated. So in the booklet published last week there are only a few testimonies about killings of civilians that could have been prevented without a doubt.

The silencing and slander campaign is directed at the members of Breaking the Silence, but its aim is different. The mudslinging is the IDF's price tag, like the fires that outpost inhabitants set in Palestinian fields. The settlers are warning the authorities against an attempt to evacuate them, and the IDF is warning soldiers who have not yet defied the order to remain silent. It is doing this to make it harder for Breaking the Silence to continue carrying out its moral obligation to talk with soldiers and paint a complete picture of the attack - the picture Israel is trying to blur at any price.

Truths ultimately come out in a society like ours, but time is a critical factor. Testimony published five years from now is not the same as testimony published today, when Palestinian and foreign human rights activists are preparing lawsuits abroad against top government and military officials for violating international law and worse.

The current booklet documents the "lighter" things - relatively. The testimonies taken down and published by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the international commission of inquiry, the foreign press and Haaretz include far graver cases.

The testimonies in the booklet prove again and again the reliability of the testimony by Palestinians. And vice versa: The Palestinian affidavits prove the authenticity of the soldiers' statements.

The accumulating testimonies prove that it wasn't a matter of rotten apples but rather a conscious policy. Therefore the IDF and the government that sent it into action must prevent further such confirmations of the truth.

It suits the IDF that after their release, soldiers travel to Peru and Colombia to bury their agonized memories or belated insights - as adults. The IDF prefers that its demobilized soldiers travel to Goa to get stoned out of their minds before Breaking the Silence activists reach them.

"Visit Palestine" says West Bank's growing alternative tourism industry

"Visit Palestine" says West Bank's growing alternative tourism industry

Ben White, The Electronic Intifada, 16 July 2009

Hebron's Ibrahimi Mosque (seen in the background) is the burial site of Abraham, but with the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and militarized settler presence in Hebron, few tourists make it to see such important sites. (Mamoun Wazwaz/MaanImages)

Palestine should not have problems attracting tourists, with its rich blend of history, religious significance, local culture, as well as the varied and breathtaking scenery. But of course, the political context of the Israeli occupation means that the vast majority of tourists in the "Holy Land" only see Palestinians through the window of a tour bus, as they dash in and out of Bethlehem for a couple of hours.

The occupation, however, has also attracted a different kind of visitor, the "alternative tourist," who comes to the West Bank (including East Jerusalem), occupied by Israel along with the Gaza Strip since 1967, in order to better understand the conflict, and deliberately go "beyond" the standard pilgrimage or mainstream tourist trip to Israel. These kinds of tourists are much fewer in number, and are typically already sensitized to some degree to the Palestinian situation. Virtually no tourists, if any, go to the Gaza Strip, which has been under Israeli-imposed closure for several years.

The gap between these two types of tourism is large, both in terms of scale and character, but finding a way to somehow bring them together could be crucial in increasing Palestinian tourism potential, a prospect that if done well, could bring important economic, social and political benefits.

Alternative tourism in the West Bank has definitely seen marked improvements and developments since it really began to get off the ground in the 1990s. The pioneers were the Alternative Tourism Group (ATG), based in Beit Sahour near Bethlehem, who in the aftermath of the first Palestinian intifada realized the positive potential for an infrastructure in Palestine to receive visiting foreigners looking to understand the local reality.

ATG is still going, and has been joined by other organizations pursuing variations on the theme. At least anecdotally, there has also been a gradual expansion of those drawn to the kinds of programs offered by Palestinian alternative tourism groups. Sarah Irving has had experience working with both ATG, and also the UK-based Olive Coop, and described the difference she sees now, compared to some years ago:

"Because ATG is now listed in Lonely Planet, they have flyers in Jerusalem, these kinds of things, they're starting to get people who are just hanging out, or backpacking. Just recently I took my dad on a day tour of Bethlehem and Hebron. In our group there was one person who had a pre-existing interest, but the other two knew nothing about the situation here -- including a Scottish guy who had just picked up some cheap flights to Israel, was even staying in West Jerusalem, and this was his attempt to find out more about where he'd come."

This seems to suggest that groups like ATG, if not quite making substantial inroads, are at least succeeding in attracting more than just the "usual suspects." Ayman Abu Zulof, marketing manager at ATG, who admits that the target is "to try and reach normal tourists," said that "it's interesting how things are developing." Abu Zulof believes that changes are afoot: "There is a demand from pilgrims, when they know about other possibilities -- when you talk to the grassroots, there's a demand." He cites as an example a recent inquiry he had from a private travel agency on behalf of a group of Catholic pilgrims from France.

But there are significant challenges which have both slowed the development of tourism in Palestine, and threaten to stymie efforts for the sector to realize more of its potential. One of the biggest problems is Palestine's image. For any destination this is of crucial importance, and Palestine has suffered from the one-dimensional impressions given by the Western media (encouraged by Israeli propaganda), of the occupied territories as an anarchic, dangerous, nest of terrorists.

When Khuloud Deibes, the Palestinian Authority's Minister for Tourism, assumed her post in April 2007 in the short-lived Palestinian "unity government," The Jerusalem Post noted that she would be responsible for tourism "in an entity that is not independent, has an ever-worsening image as a dangerous place to visit, and lacks territorial continuity or control over its borders." Indeed, Palestinian "sovereignty" is a fragmented facade, while the same physical obstacles that make everyday Palestinian life a humiliating misery, are also inconveniences that many mainstream tourists are unwilling to accept for even an afternoon.

The combination of a negative image, plus the physical barriers, means that most tourists stay within Israel's pre-1967 occupation boundaries or perhaps in a hotel in Jerusalem, and simply visit the Bethlehem area as one more item on a busy day's itinerary. Thus there is little money spent in the local hotels and restaurants, and the only chance that Palestinians have to benefit in any way from the visiting tourists is through selling expensive, heavily-commissioned gifts and souvenirs.

This is all in stark contrast to an Israeli tourism industry supported by an active and resourceful government ministry, a sector with substantial funds to invest in advertising campaigns, and with well-developed contacts with crucial markets such as Western churches. Israel receives an estimated 95 percent or more of "Holy Land" tourism, and Abu Zulof highlighted how many visitors' itineraries are shaped by Israeli political concerns:

"Why do most pilgrims go to Masada? It has no Christian significance at all -- but it is useful propaganda [for Israel]. Why do people not go to the mosque in Hebron, even though it is the burial site of Abraham? Because Israel does not want people to be scandalized by what they see there with the settlers and the occupation."

Masada is not the only example of the relationship between tourism, Zionist propaganda and Israeli expansionism. In the occupied East Jerusalem village of Silwan, Israel has announced plans to demolish dozens of Palestinian homes to make way for the City of David project, a Jewish-themed park that settlers market as offering the visitor an "exciting tour" and "breathtaking" views -- "the only place on earth where the only guidebook needed is the Bible itself."

The future of Palestinian tourism is partly dependent on factors out of the hands of those Palestinians working in the sector in either the Palestinian Authority or private agencies. But there are also things that Palestinians can be doing regardless of political developments.

Using the Internet for marketing and publicity is surely a tool that must be better exploited, since here is a realm where the Israelis cannot throw up obstacles and checkpoints. There are already well presented, smart websites, such as ABS Tourism's portal, www.visitpalestine.ps, and also www.travelpalestine.ps. But more could be done, particularly in terms of developing advertising campaigns that target specific groups such as Christian pilgrimages, or young backpackers.

There is also a need to develop other places in Palestine apart from the Bethlehem area. Nablus and its environs, for example, boasts the likes of Sebastia and the Old City itself, but the tourist presence is nonexistent. The restrictions imposed by the Israeli occupation are a very real impediment, but so also is the absence of any real infrastructure. A local resident working in a travel agency told me that if tourists spent just one day in Nablus, it would make a huge difference to the city.

Hebron, Ramallah, Jericho -- all of these places offer a different atmosphere and features of historical and cultural interest, but are almost completely off the radar for the average tourist or pilgrim. There is also the need for more care to be taken with sites of archaeological and historical interest -- in some cases, there needs to be complete restoration. Solomon's Pool, in the Bethlehem area, could be a big attraction for the visitors already drawn to the area; but it lacks any facilities for visitors, and suffers from pollution and neglect.

As one recent article on the resilience of "religious tourism" in a time of economic depression put it, "virtually all tourism in Palestine is religious-based." This should be a cause for optimism for the Palestinian tourist industry, as there are increasing numbers of churches outside Palestine wishing to express solidarity with the Palestinians and do something practical to help. The demand for "ethical" pilgrimages is thus only likely to increase. Palestine is able to offer Christian tourists the chance to meet the "living stones" whose lineage in Palestine and religious tradition goes back centuries.

But there is an important caveat about mainstream tourism, according to George Rishmawi, coordinator at the Siraj Center in Beit Sahour. Rishmawi explained that across the world, mainstream tourists have "no interest in the locals," or local political context, and indeed, often bring "pollution and ignorance." What positive difference would "mainstream tourism" really make in Palestine, he asked. "Go to one of these big souvenir shops in Bethlehem -- most of the stuff is made in China," he added.

Deibes who still serves as tourism minister in the Western-recognized Ramallah government is on record as saying that she wants "to develop new opportunities consistent with global trends, including ecotourism, youth tourism, and health tourism." While this sounds admirable, ultimately it may be unrealistic to expect that a Palestinian Authority (PA) propped up by donor money and stricken by political tensions will be able or willing to invest money and resources into developing tourism.

Given the limitations of the PA's tourism ministry, there is a big role to be played by publicity, whether media appearances, word-of-mouth recommendations, or Internet-based campaigning. Rishmawi commented that after Australian television showed a documentary on a tourist initiative he helped run in 2000, there were around 20 group bookings as a result. Yet, as Ayman complained, you can still hear many local Palestinian guides and agencies saying that "We don't need to market the Holy Land, it markets itself."

Rishmawi has been involved with two initiatives in the last decade that brought tourists on walks through the West Bank -- the Nativity Trail from Nazareth to Bethlehem, and the new Abraham's Path Initiative whose route is intended to ultimately go from Cyprus to Hebron. "We will be able to attract more and more people based on how creative our programs are," he said, before optimistically adding: "I know there are many people who if they knew what they could do here, and that their presence would make a difference, they would do it."

Ben White is a freelance journalist and writer whose articles have appeared in the Guardian's 'Comment is free', The Electronic Intifada, the New Statesman, and many others. His book, Israeli Apartheid: A Beginner's Guide (Pluto Press), will be published this summer. He can be contacted at ben A T benwhite D O T org D O T uk.

Campaign to Free Adeeb Abu Rahme, Bil'in organizer

Campaign to release Palestinian activist arrested in Bil’in

Posted on: July 14, 2009

14 July 2009

Adeeb Abu Rahme, a leading Palestinian non-violent peace activist was arrested in the weekly Bil’in demonstration against the Apartheid Wall (see the video, Adeeb is the protester in the orange shirt with the mega-phone). The Israeli military is charging Adeeb with “incitement to violence,” a charge that could bring a serious jail term. This charge is the culmination of a new attempt to “break” the non-violent resistance in Palestine by targeting the leaders of the non-violent protests.

Adeeb is currently in detention and will be taken in front of a military judge on Thursday, 16 July 2009. The military prosecutor intends to request for Adeeb to remain in detention until the end of the proceedings against him. This could mean months or a year in military prison for Adeeb, who is the sole provider for his family of 9 children, wife and mother.

Adeeb Abu Rahme (in grey) at a Bil'in demonstration

In the past five years, many attempts have been made by the to break the spirit of the Bil’in protests. Every new commander in Bil’in has promised to break the resistance, using new weapons and increasing the level of violence against unarmed demonstrators. But the spirit and resilience of Bil’in residents and their supporters cannot be broken; every Friday they continue to march and chant against the theft of Palestinian land and the systemic violence of the Occupation.

In the past month, Israeli forces have attacked Bil’in and other villages with renewed vigor, raiding homes in the early hours of the morning to seize suspected demonstrators. Mostly children under the age of 18, they are interrogated and pressured to ‘confess’ that they throw stones at the instructions of the village leaders. The truth remains that village leaders discourage stone throwing and recognize that it is used as a tool by the Occupation to falsely accuse the demonstrations of instigating violence. The Bil’in Popular Committee Against the Wall and Settlements requested the presence of Israeli and international solidarity activists to document and discourage the night raids.

Anyone of the thousands who have marched with Adeeb can testify that despite provocation and serious attacks on his person, he has never responded violently. Attempts to criminalize the leadership of non-violent protests where curbed in the past with the help of an outpouring of support from people committed to justice from all over the world. We need you now to testify to Adeeb’s commitment to non-violence and to hold the Israeli military accountable for trying to destroy the resistance.

Please email your letter to palestinesolidarity@gmail.com

SAMPLE LETTER:

To whom it may concern,

I was disturbed to learn that Mr. Adeeb Abu Rahme, a leader in his village and participant in the non-violent demonstrations that take place in Bil’in every Friday, was arrested for peacefully demonstrating against Israel’s separation fence on July 10th, 2009 and is still being held in prison. Over the past five years Mr. Rahme and the leaders in Bil’in village have displayed an unshakable commitment to non-violence and dignified action.

Mr. Rahme in particular is well known for his commitment to the struggle for peace through non-violent means and for his willingness to work in partnership with Israelis. He is a respected member of the community. I am impressed with his honesty and commitment to non-violence. My understanding of Israeli law is that the right to demonstrate peacefully is protected. Mr. Rahme should be commended and not punished for his efforts.

I hope and trust that Mr. Rahme will be allowed to return to his family, including his 9 children, wife and mother for whom he is the sole supporter, and community without further delay and that his name be cleared of all accusations.

Sincerely,

-- INSERT YOUR NAME --

Israeli soldiers testify about their actions in Op Cast Lead

AROUND 30 ISRAELI SOLDIERS TESTIFY ABOUT THEIR EXPERIENCES IN OPERATION CAST LEAD – A NEW BOOKLET BY "BREAKING THE SILENCE":

"You feel like an infantile little kid with a magnifying glass looking at ants, burning them."

Fifty-four testimonies of Israeli combat soldiers who participated in Operation Cast Lead reveal gaps between the reports given by the army following January’s events; the needless destruction of houses; firing phosphorous in populated areas and an atmosphere that encouraged shooting anywhere.

Half a year after Operation Cast Lead, the organization "Breaking the Silence" is announcing the release of a new booklet today (Wed. 7/15) that includes numerous testimonies by soldiers who participated in the operation. The testimonies expose significant gaps between the official stances of the Israeli military and events on the ground.

Among the 54 testimonies are stories revealing the use of "accepted practices," the destruction of hundreds of houses and mosques for no military purpose, the firing of phosphorous gas in the direction of populated areas, the killing of innocent victims with small arms, the destruction of private property, and most of all, a permissive atmosphere in the command structure that enabled soldiers to act without moral restrictions. The booklet compiles the testimonies of about 30 reserve and regular combat soldiers from various units that participated in the fighting. The testimonies demonstrate that the soldiers were not given directives stating the goal of the operation and, as one soldier testifies, "there was not much said about the issue of innocent civilians."

Many soldiers said that they fought without seeing "the enemy before their eyes." "You feel like an infantile little kid with a magnifying glass looking at ants, burning them," one of the soldiers testified that "a 20-year-old kid should not have to do these kinds of things to other people."

"The testimonies prove that the immoral way the war was carried out was due to the systems in place and not the individual soldier," said Mikhael Mankin from "Breaking the Silence." What was proven yesterday is that through the IDF the exception becomes the norm, and this requires a deep and reflective discussion. This is an urgent call to Israel's society and leadership to take a sober look at the foolishness of our policies."

TO VIEW THE SOLDIER TESTIMONIES BY SUBJECT:
http://www.shovrimshtika.org/oferet/testimonies_category_e.asp

Activists to erect tents across globe in solidarity with Silwan

Activists to erect tents across globe in solidarity with Silwan

Date: 11 / 07 / 2009 Time: 20:36

Jerusalem – Ma’an – Solidarity activists will erect sit-in tents around the globe on Monday in solidarity with families in the East Jerusalem Silwan neighborhood, whose houses have been demolished or ordered to be demolished by Israeli authorities.

The demonstrations, apparently organized by a group calling itself the Community of Sheikh Jarrah Residents, allude to a tent erected in the Sheikh Jarrah area of East Jerusalem that gained notoriety after it was repeatedly dismantled by Israeli police.

The tent was erected to house a family whose home had been recently demolished, but instead became a symbol of the Palestinian struggle against home demolitions.

Similar tents will be erected in several countries and capitals near Israeli embassies and consulates in Glasgow, London, Chicago, New York, Ireland, San Francisco, Czech Republic, Egypt, Sweden, Denmark, Spain and Holland next Monday, the group said.

Demolition orders were served to the owners of the 88 homes earlier threatened with destruction under the Israeli law 212, which allows homes to be demolished or evacuated without any formal legal charges being brought forth.

Israel says it intends to build a park on the land where the 88 homes currently stand.

"As refugees and people living under occupation, we are asking people to help us with our struggle for our rights. It is unbelievable that in the 21st century, Israel's authorities can get away with demolishing the homes of Palestinians in order to build settlements or national parks, said Maher Hannoun, a resident facing eviction.

"The price we and our neighbours have to pay is too high, we are faced with two impossible choices - either we throw our kids out on the street or we go to prison. If we lose our homes, there is nowhere else for us to go, the only option we have is to live in tents," Hannoun added.

The 212 law was also used in 1967 to erase the Palestinian Al-Mugharbi neighborhood inside Jerusalem's Old City to form a plaza in front of the Western Wall, a holy site in Judaism. The neighborhood was razed and is now an open compound for Jews to pray near the wall.

Israel annexed East Jerusalem, Palestine's capital, in 1967 and declared it part of its "undivided, eternal capital." The international community has consistently refused to recognize Israel's claims to the territory, and maintain their embassies in Tel Aviv.

Maan: Operation Cast Lead Kills 1,505th Palestinian

Medics identify 1,505th victim of Gaza assault

Date: 11 / 07 / 2009 Time: 19:32

Gaza – Ma’an – The corpse of a Palestinian was found on Saturday under the rubble of a house destroyed during the latest Israeli assault on the Gaza Strip last winter.

Palestinian medics identified the man as Abdallah Na'im, who was in his 20s.

Mu’wieyah Hasaneen, head of Emergency and Ambulance Services at the Health Ministry in Gaza, told Ma'an that "the decomposed body was found under the rubble of a destroyed house near the Wa'ed building," which itself stood near the Islamic University campus in Gaza City, but was destroyed by Israeli aircraft.

He added that "the corpse was moved to the Dar Ash-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City," noting that "the number of those who were killed during the Israeli war on Gaza amounts to 1,505," following the most recent discovery.

Meanwhile, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and its partners on Friday began clearing around 420,000 tons of rubble caused by the assault, and reiterated the need for Israel to ease its blockade so building materials and other vital supplies can enter the area.

"If the borders remain closed this investment will provide short-term relief and not long-term progress," said Jens Toyberg-Frandzen, UNDP representative in the occupied Palestinian territory, adding that it is crucial that Israel ease its blockade on Gaza so that the materials necessary for recovery and reconstruction can get in.

In addition to causing loss of life and injuries, the three weeks of fighting that took place between 27 December and 18 January damaged or destroyed an estimated 15,000 buildings, according to the UNDP.

Ei: Hamas' choice, Recognition or resistance in the age of Obama

Hamas' choice: Recognition or resistance in the age of Obama

Ali Abunimah, The Electronic Intifada, 6 July 2009

Hamas faces a difficult choice between recognition and legitimacy. (Wissam Nassar/MaanImages)

In a major policy speech on 25 June 2009, Khaled Meshal, the head of Hamas' political bureau, tried to do what may be impossible: present the Islamist Palestinian resistance organization as a willing partner in a US-led peace process, while holding on to his movement's political principles and base. [1]

This is the dilemma that every Palestinian leadership, and perhaps almost every liberation movement, has eventually had to confront. It is a choice, as political scientist Tamim Barghouti has pointed out, between recognition and legitimacy. [2] According to Barghouti, the old-guard Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) leadership, when confronted with the same dilemma, chose recognition and forfeited its legitimacy, opening the way for Hamas to emerge. Now it is the turn of Hamas: the price demanded by the US and its allies for Hamas to be taken as an interlocutor is the abandonment of the very principles on which the movement built its mass support.

Meshal's nearly hour-long "address to the Palestinian people and the world" was billed as a response to the speeches of US President Barack Obama in Cairo and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu earlier in June.

In his Cairo speech, Obama called for Americans and Muslims to engage in a "sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground." If he is serious about that, he -- and others -- should pay close attention to what Hamas is saying to domestic, regional and international audiences. Meshal's goals -- very much in tension -- were to show that his movement is ready to do business with the US, set out political red lines, reassure the movement's supporters and Palestinians generally and deal with internal Palestinian divisions.

To begin with, the speech sought to present Hamas as a nationalist movement whose Islamism fits within a mainstream Palestinian consensus. Meshal used an explicitly ecumenical message to counter Netanyahu's exclusivist Jewish claims to the land of Palestine. According to Meshal, Palestinians' roots stretched back thousands of years "in this blessed land of prophets and messages, of [Muhammad's] night ascension, of Muslim and Christian holy sites -- al-Aqsa Mosque, the Dome of the Rock, the Nativity Church and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre."

More generally, he sought to portray Muslims as representing the very values Westerners claim to cherish most and dissociate Hamas from lurid and false comparisons to such groups as the Taliban. "We [Muslims] are the ones who introduced the world and humanity to science, civilization, culture and lofty humanitarian values," Meshal declared, "values such as justice, freedom, equality, compassion and tolerance, and the values of interaction between civilizations and not a confrontation between them."

Meshal welcomed a "change of tone" from President Obama but emphasized repeatedly that only a change of policy would matter. He nevertheless claimed the new tone as the fruit of the "stubborn steadfastness of the people of the region, while resisting in Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq and Afghanistan." Such resistance, according to Meshal, frustrated the former US President George W. Bush administration's plans for regional domination, prompting American voters to seek a different path to extricate their country from mounting crises and quagmires.

He chided regional leaders who had "marketed and promoted" Bush's policies. "Had the people of the region listened to them," Meshal said, "the policy of Bush and the neoconservatives might have succeeded and the region's situation would be worse than imaginable." Meshal voiced the widespread skepticism and perhaps hopes that Obama's promises amounted to more than the similar words about Palestine heard from the Bush Administration.

Responding to Obama's recital of history, Meshal did not seek to deny the Nazi Holocaust but to appropriate it. He took Obama to task for dwelling in detail on the "suffering of the Jews and their holocaust in Europe, while ignoring our present suffering and Israel's holocaust against our Palestinian people that has been continuing for decades."

Meshal emphasized that even though Palestinians have heard only words, they were prepared to judge the US by its actions, which would have to "begin with reconstruction of Gaza and the lifting of the blockade, lifting the oppression and security pressure in the West Bank, and allowing Palestinian reconciliation to take its course without external pressures or interference."

The "only thing" that can convince Palestinians, Arabs and Muslims, Meshal stated, "is genuine American and international will and efforts to end the occupation and lift the oppression from our people, to allow them to exercise their right to self-determination and the fulfillment of their national rights." When the Obama administration makes such an initiative, Meshal said, "then we and all our people's forces will be ready to cooperate with it and with any international effort in that direction."

Obama's "new language toward Hamas," Meshal underlined, "is the first step in the right direction towards direct dialogue without conditions." And that is the crux of the matter. Dealing with Hamas, Meshal said, must be based on the recognition of its democratic mandate and not via the imposition of arbitrary conditions such as those of the Quartet which call on the movement to recognize Israel, abandon violence and commit by previously signed agreements.

Meshal reasserted Hamas' political red lines while maintaining a sense of flexibility. In particular, Meshal:

• Rejected the Palestinian state envisaged by the Israeli leader as a "deformed entity, a large prison for detention and suffering, and not the national home a great people deserves."


• Rejected Israel's demand to be recognized as a "Jewish state" -- and warned against any Arab or Palestinian acquiescence -- "because it means canceling the right to return to their homes of six million refugees, and the forced expulsion of our people in the 1948 areas [Palestinian citizens of Israel] from their cities and villages." Israel's demand, according to Meshal, is no different than racist demands made by fascist Italy and the Nazis.


• Reaffirmed Hamas' previous acceptance of "the program that represents the minimum demands of our people," for "the establishment of a Palestinian state whose capital is Jerusalem with complete sovereignty on the borders of 4 June 1967, after the withdrawal of the occupation forces, and the dismantling of all the settlements, and the realization of the Right of Return."


• Reaffirmed that "the refugees' Right of Return to the homes from which they were expelled in 1948 is a national right and an individual right held personally" by the refugees "and no leader or negotiator can waive it or compromise on it."

Meshal also offered a nuanced response to Obama's call on Palestinians to abandon "dead end" violence in favor of nonviolent resistance. "We reaffirm our adherence to resistance as a strategic choice to liberate the homeland and restore our rights," Meshal said, citing armed European resistance to Nazi Germany, American resistance to British rule and the Vietnamese and South African anti-colonial struggles as precedents for Palestinians.

"Nonviolent resistance is appropriate in a struggle for civil rights," Meshal argued, "But when it comes to a military occupation using conventional and nonconventional weapons, such an occupation can only be confronted with armed resistance." Palestinians were forced to take up arms, Meshal said. He could also have been implying that if Palestinians changed the definition of their struggle as being one for civil rights then the appropriate means of resistance would also change.

"Resistance is a means and not an end," Meshal said, "and it is not blind. Indeed it perceives the changes underway." Yet, while staunchly defending the right to armed resistance -- and even threatening new operations to take Israeli soldiers prisoner if it was the only way to free Palestinians prisoners -- Meshal also recognized other forms of struggle. He called for increased Palestinian, Arab and international solidarity efforts, including ongoing efforts to break the siege on Gaza, to resist the apartheid wall and settlements and to prevent home demolitions and "Judaization" in Jerusalem.

For Hamas leaders, the dangers of submitting to western preconditions can be seen merely by looking at the trajectory of the Palestine Liberation Organization leadership which recognized Israel in 1993, renounced armed struggle and signed the Oslo accords. Since that time, Meshal argued, the occupation and its oppression deepened as the number of Israeli settlements and Palestinian prisoners grew.

As Meshal put it, "These conditions do not end; as soon as the Palestinian negotiator commits to one, more conditions are imposed. For example, first the condition was to recognize Israel, now it is to recognize the Jewishness of Israel. Then, that Jerusalem is its eternal capital, giving up the Right of Return, accepting that settlement blocks will remain. Then [Palestinians] must not only abandon resistance, but themselves work to oppress, pursue and disarm the resistance."

The latter point was a reference to the arrest campaign in the West Bank and what Meshal called other "oppressive measures undertaken by the [Palestinian] Authority and the government of Salam Fayyad and its security forces under the supervision of the American General [Keith] Dayton." Meshal presented this ongoing cooperation between the Ramallah security forces, Israel and the US as the biggest obstacle to Palestinian reconciliation talks in Cairo aimed at restoring a unified national leadership.

After Hamas won the 2006 legislative election, the Bush administration began a program overseen by Dayton to arm and train anti-Hamas militias nominally loyal to Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas. The campaign has been accompanied by what Hamas and some human rights groups have described as a systematic crackdown on politicians, professors, charities and journalists suspected of sympathy or links with Hamas. Hamas has often retaliated by arresting Fatah-linked individuals in the Gaza Strip. In recent weeks, the Dayton-supervised militias have killed several members of Hamas in the West Bank ostensibly while trying to arrest them. Meshal cleverly drew attention to the external role in fueling Palestinian divisions -- and how little has actually changed from the Bush Administration -- by "calling on Obama to withdraw Dayton from the West Bank and return him to the United States, in keeping with the new spirit of change."

Throughout the speech, Meshal sought to reassure Palestinians that Hamas would not abandon its core principles in pursuit of recognition and power. "The land is more important than authority, and liberation before a state," he said at one point, and "no Palestinian leadership has the right to waive Palestinian national rights and interests as the price for recognition."

Some Palestinians worry that despite such assurances, Hamas has already set off down the very path Meshal warned about and risks squandering the sacrifices Palestinians made, especially in Gaza. Haidar Eid, an independent analyst in Gaza, wrote before Meshal's speech that some of the early enthusiastic Hamas responses to Obama's Cairo speech, as well as acceptance of the two-state solution, indicated " the beginning of a process of deterioration -- even Osloization -- not only in rhetoric, but also in action." This writer has heard similar fears voiced by Palestinians from the West Bank and recently in Amman. Given that many Palestinians consider that a previous generation of resistance leaders turned their backs on their people's most fundamental interests and rights -- all the while claiming to uphold them -- such fears are far from irrational or uncommon.

Another analysis of Hamas' shift currently circulating argues that Hamas has accepted the Palestinian "consensus" position of a two-state solution on every inch of the 1967 occupied territories with removal of all settlements and with the Right of Return. But it knows that no potential peace deal coming from the Obama initiative will ever reach even these minimal conditions, and that if Abbas and former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert could not reach even the outlines of an agreement after two years of negotiations, the chances of any deal with a Netanyahu-Lieberman government are even tinier. In this scenario, Hamas need not stand in the way of a two-state solution because it will fail anyway. But by saying it would accept that minimalist outcome, it would avoid blame for the failure and its adherence to resistance would be vindicated.

What we do know is that Hamas' leaders, and the Palestinians generally, have been placed under intense pressure, occupation, blockades, starvation sieges and recurrent Israeli war crimes and crimes against humanity, and the vast majority so far has not submitted to Israeli conditions. But while emphasizing the role of resistance and struggle to achieve liberation, Hamas has not offered a clear vision of what liberation looks like other than the unconvincing and increasingly unrealistic two-state vision (leaving aside its long, outdated, though much-cited charter that offers no guide to the movement's current thinking).

Meshal's speech confirms Hamas' long-term shift away from Islamist rhetoric toward mainstream Palestinian nationalist discourse. It indicates that Hamas is highly sensitive to international and Palestinian public opinion and is aware that Palestinians need to build real international solidarity as part of a strategy to level the glaring power imbalance with Israel. But it is not prepared to seek recognition at any price. All this has implications for the movement's message and methods.

This leaves the field open for an urgent debate among Palestinians about what that future vision should be and what role resistance in all its legitimate forms should play. No group of leaders, whether from Hamas or any other organization, could or should carry the burden of restoring Palestinian rights by itself. Hamas, like other Palestinian organizations, can only be a guardian of fundamental rights to the extent that it is embedded in a broader movement mobilized in Palestine and globally to defend those rights.

And if Hamas' potential interlocutors are sincerely seeking ways to recognize the democratic mandate of the movement without trying to force it to forfeit its legitimacy, there are precedents. South Africa's African National Congress and the Irish Republican Army were both able to take part in successful political negotiations that got their respective countries out of disastrous political and military stalemates without being required to submit to unacceptable preconditions. That took a measure of leadership, foresight and political courage by others that has been notably absent in international dealings with Hamas.

Editor's note: An earlier version of this article was published with the last two lines in the second paragraph inadvertently deleted.

Co-founder of The Electronic Intifada, Ali Abunimah is author of One Country: A Bold Proposal to End the Israeli-Palestinian Impasse. Abunimah also co-founded The Electronic Intifada. This analysis was originally published by the Palestine Center.


Endnotes
[1] The speech is in Arabic. All excerpts quoted in this article are the author's translation. A transcript and recording of the speech were made available by the Palestinian Information Center, a Hamas-affiliated website. See: http://bit.ly/mK7kS.
[2] In a paper given at the Annual Symposium of the Center for Contemporary Arab Studies at the School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University on the theme: "Palestine and the Palestinians Today," 2-3 April 2009, Washington, DC.

5 Years Since ICJ Said No to Apartheid Wall

wall around Abu Dis #1, originally uploaded by michaelramallah.

On 5^th Anniversary of ICJ Advisory Opinion on ‘The Wall’ PCHR Highlight Israel’s Continued Violations of International Law, and the International Community’s Complicity in Illegal Acts

9 July 2009 marks the five year anniversary of the International Court of Justice’s (ICJ) landmark Advisory Opinion on ‘the Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.’ This Advisory Opinion marked the first time that the ICJ turned its attention to the Israel-Palestine conflict.

In its Advisory Opinion, which represents an authoritative interpretation of international law, the ICJ held, inter alia, that: the construction of the Wall and its associated administrative regime are illegal and amount to de facto annexation; the Wall violates Palestinians’ legitimate right to self determination; the Wall must be dismantled, and reparation made to affected Palestinians; all States are under an obligation not to recognize the illegal situation resulting from the Wall, and not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the resultant illegal situation.

On the five year anniversary of the Advisory Opinion, The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR) wish to highlight the continued construction of the Wall in occupied Palestinian territory, Israel’s continued violations of international law, and the international community’s inaction as regards the obligations to ensure respect for international law and not to recognize the situation created by Israel’s illegal acts.

To date approximately 350 kilometers of the Wall have been constructed. When complete the illegal Wall will stretch for 724 kilometers, trapping approximately 237,000 Palestinians between the Wall and the Green Line (the 1967 borders), and confining approximately 160,000 Palestinians in isolated enclaves with limited access to the outside world. As noted by the ICJ, the Wall has a devastating impact on Palestinian’s fundamental human rights, including the right to freedom of movement, the right to health, the right to work, the right to education, and the right to the highest attainable standard of living. Ultimately, the Wall, and Israel’s longstanding occupation policy, deny the Palestinians’ right to self-determination, a fundamental right enshrined in the UN Charter and numerous human rights treaties.

Despite the ruling of the ICJ, construction of the illegal Wall continues. Israel continues to annex Palestinian land, and to destroy lives and livelihoods. Palestinian civilians continue to suffer the consequences.

The ICJ ruled that, in accordance with inter alia common Article 1 of the Four Geneva Conventions of 1949, all States are under an obligation to ensure Israel’s compliance with international law. Additionally, States are under a legal obligation “not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created” by the construction of the Wall.

Five years after the ICJ Advisory Opinion, Israel has yet to be held to account for its widespread and systematic violations of international law, including the continued construction of the Wall, and international aid continues to flow to the State of Israel. For example, the United States continues to extend significant financial and military aid to the State of Israel, absent any human rights based conditionality, while the EU has failed to enact the human rights clause contained within Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement.

The international community’s continued support for Israel in the face of the State’s widespread violations of international law is a direct violation of the obligation to ensure respect for international law. This continued support is tantamount to complicity. By continuing to support Israel, or by turning a blind eye to its illegal acts, the international community is contributing to a pervasive climate of impunity. As long as impunity continues to be granted, Israel will continue to violate international law; Palestinian civilians will continue to suffer the horrific consequences.

This impunity manifests itself in numerous violations of international law which extend beyond the construction of the Wall. Israel continues to violate international humanitarian law in its attacks on Palestinians, as dramatically highlighted by the recent offensive on the Gaza Strip. Israel continues to demolish Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem in an attempt to further consolidate the city’s annexation. Israel continues to impose a strict closure on the occupied Palestinian territory, including the closure of the Gaza Strip, a form of collective punishment which has now been in place for more than two consecutive years. On a daily basis, Israeli forces subject Palestinians to degrading and humiliating treatment, exercising control over the most mundane aspects of daily life, and violating these individuals’ fundamental right to human dignity.

The combined effects of Israel’s illegal actions are catastrophic: Palestinians are denied the most basic of human rights, and forced to live in a humanitarian emergency amid rising levels of unemployment and poverty.

PCHR wish to highlight the ICJ finding that “the Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (including East Jerusalem) have been established in breach of international law.” The Court further held that, “the route chosen for the wall gives expression in loco to the illegal measures taken by Israel with regard to Jerusalem and the settlements”; the Wall is intended to support Israel’s illegal settlement project.

International attention has returned to Israel’s settlement project in recent weeks. PCHR stress the fundamental illegality of the settlements, and their disastrous impact on Palestinians right to self determination, and other fundamental human rights.

PCHR affirm that political considerations cannot be prioritized over international law and individual’s legitimate rights. PCHR firmly believe that, although legal questions may have political overtones, the only possibility for a just and sustainable peace lies in a solution based on international law. All States must fulfill their international obligations, and hold the State of Israel accountable for its illegal acts. Civilians must be afforded the legal protections that are their right.

Significant findings of the ICJ:

· The Wall and the associated administrative regime violate Palestinian’s fundamental right to self-determination

· The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child, remain applicable to Israel’s actions in the occupied Palestinian territory

· The Wall must be dismantled, and reparation made to its victims.

· The State of Israel is not entitled to invoke Article 51 of the UN Charter (the right to self defense) with respect to the occupied Palestinian territory.

wall around Abu Dis #3, originally uploaded by michaelramallah.